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Ill II 



ADDRESS 



ON 



PAN AMERICANISM and the 
MONROE DOCTRINE 



BY 



HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT 

Director General of the Pan American Union and former United States Minister 
to Argentina, Colombia and Panama 



DELIVERED AT A BANQUET OF THE 
ILLINOIS STATE BAR ASSOCIATION 



AT HOTEL LA SALLE, CHICAGO 
FEBRUARY NINETEENTH 
NINETEEN HUNDRED SIXTEEN 



11 a 



ADDRESS 



ON 



PAN AMERICANISM and the 
MONROE DOCTRINE 



BY 



HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT 

Director General of the Pan American Union and former United States Minister 
to Argentina, Colombia and Panama 



DELIVERED AT A BANQUET OF THE 
ILLINOIS STATE BAR ASSOCIATION 



AT HOTEL LA SALLE, CHICAGO 
FEBRUARY NINETEENTH 
NINETEEN HUNDRED SIXTEEN 



PRINTED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 

JOHN F. VOIGT 

SECRETARY 






ADDRESS 



HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT 

Director General of the Pan American Union and former United States Minister 
to Argentina, Colombia and Panama 

BEFORE 

THE ILLINOIS STATE BAR ASSOCIATION 

FEBRUARY 19, 1916 



President MacChesney: Gentlemen, I am sorry to break in on 
}our animated conversation, but the time has arrived when I know you 
are all anxious to hear from Mr. Barrett. It see-med to the committee, 
when they were arranging for this meeting, that nothing could be of 
more interest to that part of the bar that is thoughtfully considering the 
foreign relations of the United States, than the relation of the Monroe 
Doctrine to some of thej problems which we as a nation are facing, 
with all of Europe, and it becomes important to us to know what the 
future of the United States may be, and what relation the development 
of the other Americas may have to our own development. Perhaps 
no organization has done more to bring that home to the American 
people than has the Pan American Union. We have all heard a great 
deal about the Monroe Doctrine for a great many years. Some time 
ago it was thought it had gone out of fashion and should be abandoned; 
that that which had started out of the protection of the integrity of the 
South American nations had become an affront to them-, and an intima- 
tion of superiority which was neither desired by themllor advantageous 
to us. But since the European war began many people have recon- 
structed their ideas upon this subject and are trying to think out what 
the policy of this country should be. And certainly the great Pan 
American movement, originating many years ago with Mr. Blaine, 
who came out here with the Pan American Congress which I re- 
member as a lad attending with my father over at the old Grand 
Pacific Hotel, down through the very constructive work of Mr. Bar- 
rett, has formed a basis for development in Europe which we hope 
somehow may give inspiration for a solution of their problem so 
they may live upon some such basis as the countries of the Americas 
have been able to do. And no man in this country knows more about 
the relations of the Latin American countries, or can give us a mes- 
sage which will be more worth listening to upon the general subject 
of Pan Americanism or the Monroe Doctrine, than Mr. John Bar- 
rett, the Director General of the Pan American Union, and former 
United States Minister to Argentina, Panama and Colombia, who will 
speak to you tonight. (Applause.) 

2 







Mr. John Barrett : Mr. President, members of the Illinois State 
Bar Association, and Guests : I hope that I have shown my appre- 
ciation of the honor which you have done me in inviting me to speak 
tonight, by coming at a time when it is most difficult, as you may 
readily understand, to get away from Washington, and by the fact 
that this is one of only four or five invitations which I have accepted 
out of nearly two hundred received for this and the next month. The 
interest throughout the country is now so great in all phases of 
the effects and influences of the European war that it would seem 
as if every variety of organization, commercial, social, civic and scien- 
tific as well as legal, were anxious to know more about what might 
be called the present day Pan Americanism and the status of the 
Monroe Doctrine as affected by the European war. Recognizing the 
notable character of this organization, I accepted the invitation which 
was so earnestly tendered through your amiable, diplomatic and per- 
sistent President! (Cries of "good.") And P am very glad that his 
amiability, his diplomacy and his persistency won out in my case, 
for I have looked over this audience, I have been told who the ma- 
jority of you are, and I feel as if I were being really honored by your 
presence here this evening. I recognize, however, that the honor is 
not to me, personally, but to the organization with which I am connected, 
and to the cause in which I am engaged. I can say this, however, that 
I do have, always, a real satis factioni in speaking to a representative 
audience of this city, this section and state. As I remarked to a 
group of men earlier today, I honestly and sincerely feel that, as far 
as public service for my country abroad or in Washington could per- 
mit, this state has been, practically, my residence for the last sixteen 
years. If I may be that personal, I would add that, born and brought 
up under the shadow of the green hills of Vermont, I betook myself, 
right after graduation, to the Pacific coast, never having been west of 
the Hudson River before, and was on the coast in the good state of 
Oregon when I was first appointed United States Minister. But later 
on my official labors unavoidably separated me from the state of my 
adoption, and I naturally sought to have a habitat in this state of Illinois 
where I felt the greatest attraction, where the only sweetheart I ever had 
lives, namely, my mother ; and my brother also. 

I have always found it to be true in my experience with foreign 
affairs, first when fifteen years ago I discussed the Philippines after 
some five or six years official experience in the Far East, and again 
since then when I have been discussing Latin American matters, that, 
if Chicago and this state get behind anything, you can count upon it 
that the rest of the country is also going to get behind it ! From 
watching, for example, the attitude and the influence of the Chicago 
Association of Commerce and the Illinois Manufacturers' Associa- 
tion in the great question of Pan American trade, I am aware that 



they have been powerful factors and influences in awakening all of 
the commercial organizations throughout the country to the import- 
ance of that trade. I think I can say without exaggeration — ^and I am 
glad Mr. Nickerson is here to hear it — that the Chicago Association 
of Commerce responded more quickly and more actively to my first 
appeal which I made all over the country nine or ten years ago for 
practical and persistent effort and work towards the development of 
greater trade between the United States and Latin America, than 
did any other similar commercial organization in the United States. 
And this interest has had its direct effect. Before the commercial 
organizations in New York City or San Francisco or even New Or- 
leans, had fully opened their eyes, so to speak, you here in Chicago 
had seen the vision and acted upon it. Today New York is taking 
many leaves out of your book, in its efforts to get into closer touch 
with the countries lying south of us. 

I am well aware of what a busy state this is and of what a busy 
city this is, and how busy are the members of this association. You 
are not men of leisure, in the sense of having nothing to do but to go to 
the Club or travel about, but you have great responsibilities in your 
profession; or, if you are business men, you are all constructive men 
of the hour and have not much time — and it is no discredit to your- 
selves — to study the intimate phases of the relations of the United 
States to and with its twenty sister American republics. You have 
been so occupied in making good to your clients, you have been so 
occupied in extending the ramifications of your respective businesses, 
that you have not had time, any more than I have had time to study 
your individual work, to study the work of the Pan American Union 
and really to comprehend what kind of an organization that is down 
there in Washington which today is doing so much to develop and 
forward the new Pan Americanism and to make, as it were, the 
Monroe Doctrine a Pan American doctrine or policy. 

Some of you have heard me tell this story before, but it so aptly 
illustrates what I want to say that I will run the risk of repeating 
it. I might say that the majority of you are not much more familiar 
with the development, history, resources and potentialities of the 
Latin American countries, or with the real history and the practical 
work of the Pan American Union plant, as I might call it, in Wash- 
ington, than I was familiar with Siam when I had the honor of first 
being appointed Minister to that country — I will not say how many 
years ago! All of you men here were well along; the ladies were 
still in swaddling clothes! But I was so young that it would have 
been better if I had been spanked and kept at home instead of being 
sent out as a United States Minister. In those days I thought a man 
had to be at least President of the Illinois State Bar Association be- 
fore he could qualify as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 

4 



tentiary. I was in Washington. You know how men often go to 
Washington after the election of a new President! I was there, and 
was hoping to arrange some matters in my state that would be accept- 
able to all concerned when, just as I was about to say good-bye to 
the President, he said : 

"Barrett, I am looking for some young man who isn't afraid of 
hard work and the tropics, w^ho wants to make a reputation for him- 
self, who doesn't know much about the country and, therefore, will 
not be prejudiced, to send out to Siam as United States Minister, to 
settle an important case involving several millions of dollars and the 
interpretation of our extraterritorial treaties." 

The first thought that came into my mind was that he wanted me 
to suggest or recommend somebody; that he had decided, in the ap- 
portionment of his Ministers, that a Minister to "any old place" like 
Siam might come from my part of the country, and I began to think 
of some young man in my adopted state of Oregon whom I would like 
to get rid of, who would go so far away that he would never get- 
back, or would die of the cholera! And when I was trying to 
think who were the most undesirable men upon my list, the President 
looked at me and said : 

"Barrett, I am thinking of appointing you Minister to Siam, what 
do you know about that country?" 

Well, I was so surprised that I hadn't a thought for a moment. 
To save my life, I couldn't remember whether Siam was in the south 
Atlantic or south Pacific, in Asia or in Africa. But I remembered 
that he said he wanted somebody that did not know too much about 
the country, and so I thought thatj if I could impress him with my 
knowledge I would escape the possibilities of cholera in that part of the 
world. Then there came to me a childhood memory ; I braced up and 
said : 

"I know, Mr. President, all about Siam." 

He replied : 

"You do? What do you know about Siam?" 

And I answered with an assumption of great knowledge : 

"Siam is the country that produced the immortal Siamese twins." 
(Laughter.) 

Whereupon, with a twinkle inl his eye, he grasped my hand and 
exclaimed : 

"Well, I am glad, indeed, to get hold of a man with such abundant 
information." (Laughter.) 

Without going into the details of why I accepted, I can say that, 
when I did go out there, my eyes began to open. When I touched 
Japan, later Korea, thence proceeded down the coast of China to 
Hong Kong and then by the South China Sea around Indo-China and 

5 



up the Gulf of Siam to Siam itself, my eyes opened so wide with 
astonishment and admiration that it was at first difficult to close them. 
When I had been a little time in Bangkok, the capital of Siam, I found 
that I was in the most progressive kingdom of Asia, next to Japan. 
I found that the King of Siam was a most intelligent and highly edu- 
cated monarch ; who was descended through a distinguished ancestry ; 
who spoke almost as excellent English as does your presiding officer; 
who lived in a palace equal in size and beauty tO' that of the Emperor 
of Germany, or, that I may appear to be perfectly neutral, to that of 
the King of England ! There I saw the first automobile in which I 
ever rode ; there I saw the first electric street car line ever constructed 
in all Asia; there I saw the first electric 'light plant that was ever 
built in a great Asiatic city ; there I saw the first great woman's college 
erected by Asiatic money, by the King himself, in which were teachers 
from America and' Europe educating the young women of that land 
as they would the women of our country. Then I remarked, as I 
wrote back to my friends here, "How is it that you have been so 
extremely busy and occupied back there that you allowed young men 
like myself to graduate from college without knowing of this great 
modern development in Asia?" And during the five or six years that 
I spent in the Far East I was continually striving to inform Ameri- 
cans about that part of the world, little realizing that presently it would 
befall me or be my next responsibility to aid in opening up another 
part of the world to the knowledge of our people. 

When I came back to this country sixteen years ago, one of the 
first addresses that I had the honor of making on the Far East 
and our vast responsibilities and opportunities there and in the Philip- 
pines, I delivered in this city as the guest of honor at the annual Wash- 
ington's Birthday meeting of the Union League Club. I remember 
that occasion as if it were yesterday. But I am not going to talk more 
about the Orient, although I wish I could speak more of it, for it 
was my privilege to have had friendly relationship with the present 
head of China, Yuan Shi Kai, and to have been in close association 
with the men in other parts of China who are figuring in its history 
and reorganization today. I am not here tonight, however, to dis- 
cuss that great Asiatic field, with all its marvelous ramifications and 
potentialities — ^and mighty problems for the world and for our own 
country ! 

Now our characteristic ignorance of Siam is, I fear, characteristic 
also of our acquaintance with a majority of the countries lying south 
of us, but I hope when I am through tonight every one of you will 
go out of this room feeling a sense of new interest, a sense of new 
international responsibility that he or she has not had before. Not 
because I say it, but because of the inherent seriousness of the prob- 
lem, involving the very life of this nation, the very prosperity of 

6 



this city, and the very greatness of this state. I do not say that in a 
careless way, to make words, but I say it, realizing who are the men 
to whom I am speaking. 

To stand on, as it were, a proper platform of viewpoint and to 
grasp this question, we should understand what is the Pan American 
Union in Washington. In order that, from the very start I may have 
your interest, not based upon my own opinion, I am going to tell you 
the opinion of the Pan American Union held by a great English states- 
man. This English statesman some time ago stated that he was per- 
fectly iSure that if they had had in London or Paris, in Berlin or 
Vienna, in Rome or Petrograd, a "Pan European Union," an "All 
European" union, organized upon exactly the same plan as the Pan 
American Union in Washington, controlled and directed in a similar 
way, with the same kind of inspiration, there would never have been 
a European war ! 

Now, honor bright, gentlemen, do you want any greater compli- 
ment to the practical value of the Pan American Union that the 
statement that this greatest of all wars, greatest in its destruction 
to the ideals of civilization, greatest in its cost, greatest in its loss of 
life, could have been avoided if they had had a duplicate of the Pan 
American Union in the form of a Pan European Union in one of the 
capitals of Europe? And now I believe, having your interest, not on 
my own testimony, but on that of this English statesman, you want 
me to tell you why he had a right to make this observation. 

I wish that I could transport you all bodily, this moment, to Wash- 
ington, and escort you to the foot of Seventeenth Street, at the en- 
trance to Potomac Park — past the White House, past that wonderful 
southern outlook of the White House which is, in my opinion, one of the 
most inspiring vistas in the ■Wide world ; past the Corcoran Art Gallery 
and the new building of the Red Cross and the home of the Daughters 
of the American Revolution, and show to you all that beautiful Palace 
of Peace and Commerce and Comity among the nations of the western 
hemisphere, that building which is literally — ^^and think what this 
means — ^the Capitol of the western hemisphere in the national Capital 
of the United States, a description that applies to no other building in 
the wide world, in any capital under the sun ! 

And then I wish I could take you within its portals, past those 
noble groups of statuary, one representing North America and the 
other South America, through those great bronze grilled doors, past 
that exquisite exotic patio, the piece de resistance, in many respects, 
of the architecture of the building; then up the grand stairway, past 
the busts of the George Washingtons of the southern republics, into 
the Stately Hall of the Americas, which has been described as the most 
perfect room, architecturally, of the western hemisphere; and then 

7 



I would bring you finally to the Governing Board room, and then, 
as you stood there I would say to you, without any misuse of the term : 

"Mr. Member of the Illinois State Bar Association, you are now 
standing in the unique room of the world." 

That often misused word is not misused in that sense, because there 
is no other room like having to do with the relationship of nations any- 
where in the world. 

On the first Wednesday of every month, by international agree- 
ment and by official enactment, there assemble in that room, around 
a mahogany table of majestic beauty, the plenipotentiaries of twenty- 
one nations, the envoys of one hundred and eighty millions of people. 
There at the head of the tablq sits your Secretary of State, Robert 
Lansing; upon his right sits the Ambassador of Brazil, Senhor Do- 
micio da Gama; upon the left sits Senor Don Eduardo Suarez Mujica, 
the Ambassador of Chile and late President of the great Pan Ameri- 
can Scientific Congress ; then again on the right of the Ambassador 
of Brazil sits Senor Dr. Romulo S. Naon, Ambassador of Argentina; 
then on the left of the Ambassador of Chile is the Minister of Bolivia, 
Senor Don Ignacio Calderon, and so on, each man having his seat 
according to rank, as follows : Senor Don Carlos M. de Pena, Minister 
of Uruguay; Senor Don Joaquin Mendez, Minister of Guatemala; 
Senor Don Frederico Alfonso Pezet, Minister of Peru ; Senor Don Julio 
Betancourt, Minister of Colombia; Senor Don Hector Velazquez, 
Minister of Paraguay; Senor Don Eusebio A'. Morales, Minister of 
Panama; Senor Don Emiliano Chamorro, Minister of Nicaragua; 
Senor Don Gonzalo S. Cordova, Minister of Ecuador ; Monsieur Solon 
Menos, Minister of Haiti; Senor Don Carlos Manuel de Cespedes, 
Minister of Cuba; Senor Don Santos A. Dominici, Minister of Venezu- 
ela ; Senor Don Rafael Zaldivar, Minister of Salvador ; Senor Don 
Manuel Castro Quesada, Minister of Costa Rica ; Senor Don Armando 
Perez Perdomo, Minister of the Dominican Republic ; and Senor Don 
R. Camilo Diaz, Charge d' Affaires of Honduras. Senor Don Eliseo 
Arredondo, Ambassador-elect of Mexico, has not yet presented his 
credentials, but upon doing so will take his seat around this historic 
board. Around that table there is not a man who by his brain 
ability would not be fitted to occupy a seat in the Cabinet of 
the President of the United States, and many of them fitted to sit 
upon the Supreme Court of your state; all of them men who would 
be, if lawyers, qualified to join this Association; from their men- 
tality, nearly all of them big enough to be the Presidents of their 
own lands, masters of history, students of diplomacy, scholars, 
philosophers, and in many cases, wonderful orators; — there, around 
that table once a month from one 'hour to two or three hours, those 
men talk about the affairs of the republics and the Pan American Union 
with as much friendliness and frankness as the directors of this 



IV 



,^ 



organization would consider its welfare around a friendly table, or as 
the members of your family would discuss your family affairs. Around 
that table now for two years these twenty-one representatives of the 
western hemisphere, from the United States on the north to Argentina 
on the south, have sat, shoulder to shoulder, keeping the Pan Ameri- 
can bond unbroken and preventing the flame of the European war 
reaching with its disastrous scorching flames the shores of the western 
hemisphere. And today, if there is any one thought that inspires the 
meetings of that Governing Board, it is that the Americas must stand 
together now as they have never stood before in the history of this 
hemisphere. And when I tell you that during the nine or ten years in 
which I have had the honor to be the executive officer of that organ- 
ization, it has helped to prevent several international wars upon the 
western hemisphere, you will realize that it is not an impractical, a 
theoretical organization. 

Now, on the practical side: In that building is a staff of trained 
men, assisted by competent stenographers and clerks, who are 
experts in international law and commerce and statistics, also 
editors, compilers, translators, who are in touch with the whole west- 
ern hemisphere, conducting a great international bureau of informa- 
tion, and carrying on a correspondence averaging three or four hundred 
letters a day. And we publish a monthly Bulletin — I have with me 
here the English edition — in English, Spanish, Portugese and French, 
having more pages of reading matter and illustrations than any one 
of the popular magazines that you buy upon the news stand and, being 
official, can not have, of course, advertisments, but, in actual reading 
matter and illustrations, exceeding the average popular magazine. 
It is published, mind you, in Spanish, in French and in Portugese, as 
well as in English, and the demand for it is nearly four or five times 
greater than we are able to supply. It is a magazine which, before 
the war broke out, the German Emperor described as the most interest- 
ing, instructive official publication in the world. 

In that building we have the Columbus Memorial Library, in which 
there are now thirty-five thousand volumes of up-to-date Americana; 
which, by the international regulations, is made the repository by every 
government of its official documents, and which has one hundred 
and sixty thousand index cards. In our reading and map rooms are 
all the principal newspapers and magazines of Latin America, as well 
as maps and atlases and directories and every other kind of published 
informative matter which will spread the knowledge of Latin America 
throughout the United States and a knowledge of the United States 
throughout Latin America. 

That organization, defined in a sentence, before I conclude my 
observations upon it, is the official, international organization of the 
twenty-one American republics — the United States, and its sister Latin 

9 



American republics — controlled by a Governing Board made up of all 
the plenipotentiaries of the Latin American countries in Washington, 
and the Secretary of State of the United States, who is Chairman, 
ex-officio ; maintained by their joint contributions, each government 
paying just that part of the annual budget of expenses that its popu- 
lation is a part of the total population of the twenty-one republics; and 
administered by a Director General and an Assistant Director who are 
not appointees of the President of the United States in any sense, 
except that he has a one twenty-first vote, but appointed by all the 
Presidents of the western hemisphere, expressed through these repre- 
sentatives upon the Governing Board. Therefore, I have the honor, 
as I stand before you tonight, of being the only international officer 
upon the western hemisphere. And there is no other officer in the 
world that is thus elected to serve as the executive officer of an organiza- 
tion of a large group of nations such as is the Director General of the 
Pan American Union. This is said without egotism, for it was, and 
will be, equally true of, respectively, my predecessor and successor. 

What I say to you tonight, therefore, is not based alone upon my 
experience and my patriotism as a citizen of the United States, but 
upon my knowledge of all those countries lying south of us, acquired 
by my traveling through them, by my studying them, by my trying 
to get behind, as it were, their thoughts ; by my endeavoring to read the 
mind of the Latin American and think as he thinks. With my experi- 
ence as your Minister in three of those countries — Argentina, Colom- 
bia and Panama — ^and my ten years' experience as the executive officer 
of the Pan American Union, I feel as if I had reached a point now where, 
whenever I talk to a Latin American, he has the feeling that he is 
talking to one whom he understands just as well as he understands 
his own countrymen; and where I have the feeling, when I talk to 
an Argentine, a Brazilian, a Colombian, a Chilean, a Mexican, a 
Guatemalan, a Cuban, a Venezuelan, or a man of any other Latin Amer- 
ican Nationality that I have when I am talking with any of my friends 
or my kin here in the United States. 

Now then, with that platform, as it were, to stand upon, with the 
eyes of the Pan American Union to look through, we come to the 
next and a very important phase of the evening's discussion. When 
I accepted this invitation, I said such an organization is worthy of 
some particular message that represents my real thought at this mo- 
ment; and I weighed my thoughts very carefully. I went over this 
message, time and time again, and finally I 'boiled it down into a few 
words, comparatively speaking. I did not want to trust to extem- 
poraneous utterance. It will take me only a few minutes to read it, 
and I hope it will sink deep into your minds, because it is inspired 
by a phase of the present situation that I do not think we have con- 
sidered as carefully as we should have. 

10 



The air has been full of talk about preparedness, not only in organ- 
izations like this, but at social dinners and even in the cabarets. Every- 
where preparedness has been talked about, and yet not one speech 
in a hundred, not one conversation in a thousand, has come down to 
the basic question : Why this preparedness ? Now, naturally, the 
answer is, unpreparedness ! Of course, I admit that, but on what 
ground is any country going to test the preparedness of the United 
States ? That is the question, and there is only one answer, absolutely, 
and that is the Monroe Doctrine! There is no other possible great 
basic question in our relations with the nations, not only with those 
across the Atlantic but with those across the Pacific. With that 
thought in mind I wrote these words — concerning which I make 
only one reservation, as I do for all I say in this address, and that is 
■that they of course express my personal views only and do not in any 
way commit the attitude of the members of my Governing Board : 

"Illinois has a most direct concern in the present Pan American 
situation. No other state, unless it be New York, has an equal in- 
terest. The vast manufacturing, financial and agricultural develop- 
ment of Illinois will be so surely affected in the future by the growth 
of commercial, financial and political relations between the United 
States and each one of the twenty Latin American Republics that 
they cannot be blind to their responsibilities of this very hour. 

"Speaking with the sincerity, first, of one who for fully fifteen 
years has regarded Illinois as his home state, although obliged in 
humbly serving it abroad and in Washington to be absent much of the 
time, and, secondly, of one who by his official position as United States 
Minister in several Latin American capitals, and later as the only 
international officer of all the American governments in Washington, 
has been unavoidably brought more intimately than possibly any one 
else into close touch with Pan American affairs, I appeal tO' you law- 
yers, representing the who'le state, and, through you, to the men and 
women of all callings, to realize that the United States is today face 
to face with an extraordinary crisis which may determine forever' 
whether it will he an honored leader or a despised laggard among the 
nations of the western, hemisphere and hence throughout the zuorld, 
and for which it must prepare. 

"The ominous possibilities of what may happen at the conclusion 
of the European war involving, first, a final test by Europe or Asia 
of the real meaning of the Monroe Doctrine, and, second, an unprece- 
dented and merciless competition of Europe and Asia with the United 
States to regain and enlarge their lost trade in Latin America, must 
be fully realized and prepared for! Illinois has too much at stake 
directly and indirectly in the outcome of such portentous develop- 
ment to sit by quietly for a moment and let the procession pass on. 

11 



"Illinois must realize what Latin America means to the United 
States and what the United States mean to Latin America. Illinois 
must grasp the fact that the very life and integrity of this great 
nation may depend upon preserving the integrity of each and all of 
the Latin American Republics against conquest at the hands of an 
European or Asiatic foe. Illinois must know; that if European com- 
merce driven by the war to desperation to recover its former vigor 
and position, gains the upper hand in Latin America after the war, it 
will be a question of long and exhausting years before the United 
States will be able to achieve leadership. 

"While all Americans throughout all America — ^Pan America — 
from the United States south toArgentina and Chile, hope, pray and 
even believe that no European or Asiatic nation, or group of nations, 
will dare or be inclined to test the Monroe Doctrine through war with 
the United States and its sister American republics, and while it would 
seem a convincing argument that nO' victorious or defeated nation or 
group of nations will have the temerity, strength or desire to engage 
in another conflict with a fresh foe of such vast potential resources 
as the United States and its sister neutral countries of America, yet 
there is no such thing as absolute security in this grave situation. 

"We cannot forget the cold blooded fact that now stares Pan 
America in the face: Whichever way the war ends, there may be no 
love on either side for the United States and its sister neutral American 
republics. The victors may say that they won in spite of the United 
States and the other American republics; the losers may say that they 
lost because of the United States and Latin America. The present 
serious diplomatic differences between the United States and both 
warring factions, the tone of the press of both sides, and the reports 
of newspaper correspondents and other Americans returning from 
Europe confirm beyond question this statement. 

"Now then, the passions aroused by the war may be so terrible and 
lasting, the feeling of resentment on the part of the conqueror and 
conquered may be so keen and persistent, and the overwhelming sense 
of power that will result from the possession of a mighty veteran army 
of trained soldiers and a great armada of ships and sailors, and, again, 
the lust for the unimpoverished wealth and resources of the United 
States and Latin America to aid in paying the debts of the war and 
in recouping from its effects may be so appealing and impelling to the 
passions of the all-powerful victors that no man, no matter how sincere 
and earnest a pacifist, can confidently for a moment declare that the 
United States and Latin America are absolutely safe against such 
dangers. 

"It is the knowledge of such possibilities that should inevitably 
evolve the Monroe Doctrine into a Pan American Doctrine, belonging 

12 



as much to Latin America as to the United States. With the Monroe 
Doctrine more alive than it has been since its declaration in 1823, the 
European war is forcing All America, in spite of the critics of the 
doctrine, in spite of its opponents and traducers, in spite of itself and 
its friends, and even in spite of whether Latin America wants it or 
not, to nail the standard of the doctrine to the mast of the Pan Ameri- 
can ship of state and to stand by it now and hereafter as a Pan Ameri- 
can doctrine and principle of international as well as of national in- 
tegrity and defense. This should mean that for their own individual 
and collective salvation the governments and peoples of Latin America 
would stand with all their moral and physical power and with all their 
resources for the sovereignty of the United States if it should be at- 
tacked by a European or Asiatic foe as quickly as the United States 
would stand for the integrity and sovereignty of any or all of the 
Latin American republics if they should be assailed by an enemy from 
beyond the eastern or western seas. 

"Realizing this extraordinary situation, let there be inaugurated in 
Illinois a widespread Pan American movement which will educate its 
people to the importance of the political and commercial relations of 
the United States with Latin America. Let Illinois develop a new 
appreciation and knowledge of our sister American republics and 
peoples. Let Illinois in its universities and colleges, in its public and 
private schools, and in its commercial,' professional, social, fraternal 
and labor organizations, take up the study of our sister republics, their 
history, their commerce, their resources, their civilization, their 
languages, their literature, and their institutions. Let Illinois stand 
for the (new Pan Americanism which means the development of a 
solidarity of permanent interest, an interdependence of commerce, 
finance and trade, an exchange of ideas and knowledge, a unity of 
political and economic purposes, a common preparedness and defense 
that will make Pan America and Pan Americanism forever the chief 
factors in world progress, world civilization and world peace. 

"If what I have said arouses further interest in the Pan Ameri-' 
can opportunity and responsibility, I ask you to communicate with 
me at the Pan American Union in Washington, where that great 
organization, devoted to the development of commerce, friendship 
and peace among 'the American republics, is always ready to promote, 
through the spread of reiliable information, the cause of practical Pan 
Americanism," 

I thank you for bearing with me so kindly while I read that mes- 
sage-to you. I realized that while- 1 read that many of you were 
thinking: Mr. Barrett, have you not exaggerated? Have you not 
exaggerated the meaning of Pan America ? Have you not exaggerated 
the power of Pan America? 

13 



Now, let us see, what does Pan America mean? Literally, it 
means just what it says. All America. But in the definition of it today 
we do not include Canada or the other dependencies of European coun- 
tries. Therefore, by Pan America we mean the twenty-one republics 
that reach from the United States and Mexico and Cuba on the north, 
to Argentina, Uruguay and Chile on the south. Do you realize that 
those twenty-one countries have an area of twelve millions of square 
miles, or nearly three times the area of Europe, almost as great as the 
area of Africa, and two-thirds that of Asia, without including the four 
million square miles of Canada? Do you realize these twenty-one 
countries have a population of one hundred and eighty millions. Do 
you realize, for we say "commerce is the life blood of nations," that 
these twenty-one republics in the last year before the war, 1913, con- 
ducted a foreign trade with the rest of the world and with each other 
valued at eight thousand millions of dollars; in other words, eight 
billions of dollars? That is Pan America! 

Now let us segregate Latin America from the United States, to 
see what the power of Latin America means. "Latin America" is the 
correct term to use in describing the countries that reach from Cuba and 
Mexico south, not "Spanish America." We should never use the 
term "Spanish America" unless we wish to differentiate the rest of 
Latin America from Brazil. Brazil, which is almost equal to a third 
of the total area of Latin America, is Portugese in origin and language. 
Latin America is the correct phrase to use in describing this entire 
field south of us. Latin America comprises twenty countries, with a 
population of eighty millions, or eight tenths of our population, which 
is increasing more rapidly than our own population, and which off 
from the great eastern and western routes of travel, and before the 
Panama Canal was in full operation, conducted an annual foreign 
trade of three thousand millions of dollars, or, in other words, three 
billions of dollars. And that, in turn, represented an increase of one 
Ijillion of dollars, or one thousand millions of dollars in the last ten 
years ! 

Now, honor bright, if these countries to which we have given such 
little attention can build up a trade of three billions of dollars before 
this war, and increase that trade one billion of dollars in ten years, no 
matter what you may have thought of them before, are they not de- 
serving of your closest attention and study? 

As we look upon this great field, however, do not let us lump it all 
together. Do not let us put it in, so to speak, one mass, any more than 
we would put all Europe together. There are greater differences be- 
tween groups of Latin American countries than there are between 
Great Britain on the one hand and the Balkan States on the other. 
There is more apartness between Argentina and Uruguay, Chile and 

14 



Bolivia, on one side, and Central America on the other hand, than 
there is between England and Germany and France on the other sid^ 
and the Balkan States and Russia on the other. This comparison 
is made with no reflection whatever on either grouping. And yet we are 
in the habit of lumping them all together, and we forget that each one 
of the Latin American countries is sincerely proud of its own indi- 
viduality. The greatest mistake you can make is to call an Argentine 
a "Spaniard," or call a Cuban or Colombian a "Spaniard." You 
would not call an average man of any Latin American country a 
"Spaniard" any more than you would call a man who had lived in 
this country, or whose ancestors had been in this country one 
hundred years ago, a "German," an "Englishman" or a "Frenchman," 
You would call a "Spaniard" only the man who had kept his citizenship 
in Spain. And there are as great differences between the present up-to- 
date Argentine and Chilean and the old Castillian Spaniard as be- 
tween the average American today and his ancestor of Great Britain 
or Germany. That should be borne in mind always when you meet 
these men or engage in trade with them. 

There are three great and interesting segregations of Latin 
America, The first comprises Mexido, the five Central America 
countries, and Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Cuba, the Dominican 
Republic and Haiti which are largely tributary to the Gulf of Mexico 
and the Caribbean sea. They form a group that has nearly thirty mil- 
lions of population, and an annual foreign trade of over seven hun- 
dred millions of dollars, which represents an increase of nearly one 
hundred per cent in the last ten years. And every port of their At- 
lantic coast line of nearly six or seven thousand miles is less than 
eighteen hundred miles from the average port of the Gulf coast of the 
United States. Nearly three-fifths of the commerce of this section is 
with the United States ; hardly two-fifths with Europe. Today over 
two-thirds of the travel of these countries is back and forth with the 
United States instead of with Europe. Think of the enormous poten- 
tiality of these countries, covering an area equal to all that portion of 
the United States east of the Rocky Mountains, within eighteen hun- 
dred miles from the average Gulf port O'f the United States, or less than 
the distance, almost, from the city of Chicago to San Francisco ! 
Under the influence and the example we have set at Panama in mas- 
tering and conquering the tropics, one of the most wonderful changes 
the world has ever known has been wrought along the low-lying, pest- 
ridden coast line of Central America and South America on the Carib- 
bean Sea and Gulf of Mexico, which was formerly only the home of 
incipient revolutions, and has now become the home of prosperous 
cities and progressive peoples ; and a vast area that no man pene- 
trated is being made literally into gardens to supply the food products 

15 



that the United States needs, in the form of bananas and other fruit 
foods. 

The second great segregation is that western coast of South 
America that has five thousand more miles of coast line from Panama 
to the Straits of Magellan upon the Pacific Ocean, including the 
coast line of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Chile, with Bolivia tribu- 
tary through Peru and Chile. There we have a population of fifteen 
millions of people and an annual foreign trade of over five hundred 
millions of dollars, which it conducted before the Panama Canal was 
opened, in spite of the difficulties of approach through the Straits of 
Magellan. As you sail up and down that western coast line it looks 
barren and disappointing, but if you travel back into the interior you 
will find it possesses just as great potentialities for development as had 
California, Oregon and Washington, when they were first tapped by 
the railroads from the east and aided by the capital and emigration 
from the eastern part of the United States. Now, with the Panama 
Canal in full operation, as we hope it soon will he, and that coast made 
accessible to our commerce and our capital, there is no reason in the 
world why it should not go forward to just the same kind of marvelous 
development as California, Oregon and Washington and the states 
back of them, tributary to the Pacific coast, all enjoy. 

The last of these mighty segregations is on the eastern side of 
South America, including vast Brazil, great Argentina, and little but 
resourceful Uruguay and Paraguay. Here we have a population of 
thirty to forty millions of people ; an annual foreign trade of one billion, 
six hundred millions of dollars ; an area of over four million, five hun- 
dred square miles, or greater than the entire area of the United States 
by a million and a half square miles, and yet still in the infancy of its 
development ! 

Now you possibly say: "Mr. Barrett, you are impressing us with 
these facts, but we want to ask you one or two questions." And I am 
very glad you thought of those questions, because they are natural, and 
I always believe that it is not fair to any audience, for the speaker to 
have it all his own way ! So, as you are asking those questions in your 
minds, I am going to answer them. 

You say: "Now, Mr. Barrett, this is interesting, we admit, but 
what about the instability of those governments? What about revo- 
lutions ?" That is the first bogey ! I am not good at destroying bogey 
at golf, as the majority of you, I presume are, but there are some 
bogeys in regard to Latin America that I love to kill, and the first one 
is in regard to revolutions. It is unfortunate that we have this preju- 
dice because of sad conditions one or two of these countries, and have 
not realized the interesting fact that three-fourths of all Latin America 

16 



in area and population has known no revolution whatever in the last 
tw^enty-five or thirty years ! 

Honor bright, then, gentlemen, on what ground shall we be so 
unfair as to speak of them, as to segregate them all in one mass as 
revolutionary lands? While we are speaking of revolutions, let me 
say this : Latin America may have had many internal or civil conflicts, 
but the continent of Europe has had three times as many international 
wars, which are really the test of meanness and hatred, than have 
had the twenty Latin American countries during the last one hundred 
years ! These revolutions have been evolutions rather than revolutions. 
Seventy-five per cent of the revolutions of Latin America have been 
evolutions into an improved condition! Some of them have been 
serious and terrible trials ; some of them have not been evolutions into 
better conditions ; but the majority of them, as history tells us by care- 
ful study, have been in that direction. 

Then you say: "Yes, supposing you destroy that bogey, what of 
the climate? They are all tropical countries, Mr. Barrett, they are 
under a hot sun where great races can not develop." I am glad you 
asked that question, because I remind you, with all due respect, that 
God thought all that out before ever this Association had it in its 
mind ! 

First, we must bear in mind that all the great southern end of 
South America is in the south temperate zone. Southeastern Brazil, 
all of Uruguay, practically all of Argentina, part of Paraguay and prac- 
tically all of Chile and, you might say, a large part of Bolivia because 
of its altitude, are in the south temperate zone. In other words, there 
is an area down there equal to all that section east of the Rocky 
Mountains, in the south temperate zone, with the same kind of climate 
that we have here in the United States. And how many of you realize 
that Argentina has a greater reach from north to south in the temperate 
zone than has the connected area of the United States of North 
America ? 

"Well," you say, "I can not deny that you have answered that 
question, but what of the great tropical belt itself?" Again, I an- 
swer, the wisdom of the Maker of all things settled that question before 
we thought it out. I do not know how many of you have traveled 
much through the tropical countries of Latin America, or how many 
are familiar with the delightful and wonderful experience of becoming 
intimately acquainted with a mule's back ! It was my privilege to make 
a journey of over two thousand miles through the Andes of Colombia, 
Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, and I learned more ways of getting 
on and off a mule than there are days in the year! It is sometimes 
a good way to get acquainted with these countries. All through Co- 
lombia and Ecuador and Venezuela and Peru and in the Central 

17 



^t 



American G|^u1i;tries there are remarkable plateaus averaging from 
twenty-five^ hundred to ten thousand feet in altitude and right under 
the Equator, Bt^they have a climate the year around, practically, such 
as they have in New England or in northern Illinois in June or in 
September. 

When I had the honor of being your Minister in Bogota, the Capital 
of Colombia, almost within a stone's throw of the equator, I never 
saw the thermometer in my library go above 79; and every night in 
my sleeping room it went down to 59 or 60. And that is only one of a 
half dozen of such plateaus throughout that wonderful country. In 
time, when railroads are built from the coast line into the interior; 
when these great plateaus are made fully accessible; when foreign 
population and commerce come in, you are going to see a mighty 
change that will harness the almost immeasurable wealth of those 
mountains. The great water power of the Andes will be harnessed 
and irrigate those vast plateaus, bringing about a change which will 
astound the world. 

The next bogey you throw at me is : "But why can't we do a 
bigger trade down there?" Now, I love to see that bogey thrown at 
me, because I do like to hit it with all my might ! 

Do you know that there is no greater error today, absolutely 
widely prevalent throughout this country, from the President of the 
United States down, than that the United States has not been doing 
a big commerce in Latin America, and that we are behind Germany 
and Great Britain? For the life of me, I can not understand why so 
many Senators and Congressmen, so many editors, so many so-called 
authorities on Latin America, will look right straight at the blackboard, 
see the exact facts and figures that can not be denied, and still say, 
what a pity that we do so little business in Latin America, and 
that we don't know how to build up our trade ! Ninety-nine per 
cent of the men saying those things are still looking through the glasses 
of eight, nine and ten years ago, and they have the temerity, every 
now and then, to quote speeches which I made eight and nine years 
ago when those conditions were true! 

Here is a fact for every one of you to put in his pipe and smoke 
over: In the year 1913, the last peaceful, average year before this 
war, before any of its influences could make trade greater or less, 
what happened? The total value of products exchanged between the 
United States and these twenty Latin American countries approxi- 
mated eight hundred and ten millions of dollars. The total value of 
the products which Great Britain exchanged with these twenty coun- 
tries south of the United States approximated six hundred and fifty 
millions, or one hundred and fifty million dollars less than our trade. 
How about Germany, of which we hear so much? The total com- 
merce of Germany with the twenty Latin American countries in 1913 

18 



was approximately four hundred and ten million dollars, or practically 
only half of the total trade of the United States! I say, honor bright, 
why therefore all this talk, running down American manufacturers, 
criticising American commercial efforts, condemning American com- 
mercial methods? I will tell you why. It is because we take the 
isolated case of the man who doesn't know the field; we take the iso- 
lated case of the man who names the few countries where we are led 
by Germany and Great Britain, and puts these before us with such 
prominence that we forget the truth as to the entire field! 

Which would you prefer, to have eight hundred and ten millions 
of dollars of trade with all Latin America and be beaten out by Ger- 
many in two or three of the twenty, or have only four hundred and 
ten millions of dollars in all Latin America and let Germany have 
eight hundred and ten millions ? 

It is true that in three or four of the countries of South America 
we are led, decidedly, by Germany and Great Britain in certain re- 
spects. But why should we pick out those few countries and draw 
that conclusion for all Latin America proper ? South America proper 
has ten of the twenty countries of Latin America. We are led only 
in a few by Germany and Great Britain. But here is the fact that is 
most convincing of all : During the last ten years the United States 
has increased its trade in volume and value in those countries, even in 
the countries where we are beaten out by Germany and Great Britain, 
faster than have either of those countries. 

This does not mean that we shall not make a supreme effort, just 
the same. It does not mean that the Chicago Association of Commerce, 
and all the other Illinois organizations, shall not do everything in their 
power to educate our people in the trade of that part of the world. 
This wonderful development we have had is due to the remarkable 
efforts of manufacturers, exporters and importers, many of whom are 
right here in Chicago, and deserving of splendid credit for what they 
have done. You are drawing conclusions without thinking of num- 
erous manufacturers here in this state and neighboring states, 
and in this and other cities, who for years have been doing a growing 
trade in Latin America and know conditions down there perfectly. 
The thing is to get the average manufacturer and the average business 
man to go ahead on the same basis that these other men have done and 
build up a trade that will distance all Europe so that it will be impossible 
for it ever to displace the United States from its position. That is 
what, today, I am urging upon the American manufacturers to consider. 

The final bogey is this: You say, "Mr. Barrett, what of this dis- 
trust, what of the dislike of the Monroe Doctrine?" That is a very 
foolish idea. The trouble is, again, that here we draw a conclusion 
from isolated cases. If one writer or editor down in Argentina 

19 



comes out with an article or editorial against the Monroe Doctrine or 
the United States ; if one editor inveighs against them, it is repeated up 
here by all of our papers and statesmen as the opinion of all Latin 
America. Very likely not one of the greatest authorities of that 
country said anything to that effect. Not long ago the late President 
of Argentina wrote a book against the Monroe Doctrine, and many 
people here threw up their hands and said : "Look at that ; I told you 
so !" But it didn't create a ripple in Argentina. You read the editorials 
of some of your Chicago and New York papers, and you think that 
he apparently voiced the sentiment of all Latin America ! They over- 
look what Mr.Romulo S.Na6n,that able, progressive young Ambassador 
of Argentina is preaching over this country. They listen instead to a 
man that was already half in the grave when he wrote his Anti-Monroe 
doctrine book. They listen to the sophistries of Anti-American orators 
but pay too little heed to the words of a leader like Eduardo Suarez 
Mujica, the Ambassador of Chile, who knows the sentiments of these 
countries more than these men who seek only popular favor. 

If I had time I could read to you parts that I have picked out from 
a chapter of a book that I am now writing on Pan Americanism, and 
I could prove to you beyond question that not a word of credit should 
be given to talk against the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine 
was born in the spirit of Pan Americanism. It was born in the spirit 
of the relationship among the nations of the western hemisphere. Pan 
Americanism was a mighty influence in this country twenty-five years 
before the Monroe Doctrine was declared. I could quote here, if I had 
the time, the words from that great character of Venezuela, Miranda, 
in 1788', which were almost as remarkable as those of Monroe. And 
then I could quote to you the words of Simon Bolivar, the George 
Washington of Northern South America, who pointed out the necessity 
of Pan American co-operation along the very lines that the Monroe 
Doctrine specifically brought out. When Bolivar made the call for the 
first great Pan American Conference which met in Panama in 1826, he 
repeated sentiments that he had uttered a score of times during the 
past twenty years. 

Juan Pablo Vizcardo y Guzman, a Peruvian patriot and priest, in 
a paper he left with the United States Minister in London, where he 
died in 1798, urging independence for his countrymen of South 
America said : 

"The recent acquisition of independence by their neighbors in North 
America has made the deepest impression on them." 

Dean Gregorio Funes, an Argentine patriot, wrote in 1819 : 

"The North American Revolution, and the recent French one, 
revived among us the natural rights of man." 

Tlie President of Chile, when he received Joel Roberts Poinsett, 
as United States Consul General, on February 2-1, 1812, said: 

20 



"That power (the United States) attracts all our attention and 
our attachment. You may safely assure it of the sincerity of our 
freindly sentiments." 

In the famous "Declaration of the Rights of the Chilean People", 
made by Juan Martinez de Rosas about 1810, he gave expression to the 
following remarkable Pari American sentiments, which might apply 
almost as well today as they did them : 

"1. The people of Latin America cannot defend their sovereignty 
single-handed; in order to develop themselves they need to unite, not 
in an internal organization, but for external security against the plans 
of Europe, and to avoid wars among themselves. 

"2. This does not mean that the European states are to be regarded 
as enemies ; on the contrary, the friendly relations with them must 
be strengthened as far as possible. 

"3. The American states must unite in a congress in order to 
endeavor to organize and to fortify themselves .... The day 
when America, unitedl in a congress, whether of the two continents, 
or of the South, shall speak to the rest of the world, her voice will 
make itself respected and her resolve would be opposed with difficulty." 

Think of it! Every Latin American country approved of those 
sentiments then, to unite Pan America not in an international organ- 
ization, but for external security against the aggressions of Europe 
and to avoid war among themselves. Do you ever want better Pan 
Americanism than those sentiments expressed one hundred and six years 
ago, by the people of Latin America? 

Pan Americanism does not mean that European states are to be 
regarded as enemies. There is nothing in Pan Americanism that is 
antagonistic to Europe unless Europe so desires to construe it. On the 
contrary, the friendly relations with them must be strengthened as 
far as possible. 

Do you know that in 1811 President Madison sent a message to 
Congress that embodied almost the words of the Monroe Doctrine? 
Then again Samuel Mitchell, member of Congress from New York, 
on December 10, 1811, introduced a resolution, which was unanimously 
approved by Congress, and contained practically all the sentiments of 
present day Pan Americanism and also of the Monroe Doctrine. In 
1812 John C. Calhoun announced his conversion to the cause of Pan 
Americanism, and the necessity of the United States standing with 
the Latin American countries in their efiforts to gain their indepen- 
dence. You know the hold on this country that the great Jefferson 
had. In 1808 he wrote to Governor Claiborne, at New Orleans, in 
reference to the Cuban and Mexican war: "Consider their interests 
and ours as the same, and the object of 'both must be to exclude all 
European influence from this hemisphere." Thomas Jefferson said 

21 



this in 1808 ! And yet they try to make us think that England and 
Canning deserve the credit for inspiring the Monroe Doctrine, de- 
clared in 1833 ! Jefferson, again in 1820, three years before the decla- 
ration of the Monroe Doctrine, expressed those same sentiments. 
Down in Buenos Aires, in 1810, they discussed the necessity of Pan 
American action to defend the new sovereignties which were arising 
in the western hemisphere. 

You know the trouble we are having today with Colombia, and 
yet Torres came from Colombia as the first diplomatic representative 
of Latin America and in 1816 demanded of the American people that 
they should write a Monroe Doctrine. He did not call it that, but 
urged that they should express sentiments to the same effect. 

And so I might go on, quoting and quoting. I have only touched 
a few of the high places, in order that you may realize that what we are 
trying to do today is only carrying out what W(as started long ago. And 
do you stop to think that there is no greater Pan American in all 
American history than Henry Clay? Do you realize that when Henry 
Clay died he said that he believed his greatest service, or the one that 
would last the longest in history, was what he did for the republics 
of Latin America? The greatest speeches Henry Clay delivered in 
Congress were those of 1816, 1817, 1819 and 1820, in behalf of the 
Latin American countries. It was he who responded to Bolivar's ap- 
peal for a Pan American Congress at Panama in 1826, and who sent 
delegates after the United States Congress had three times refused to 
make an appropriation, although they arrived too late. Just before 
Bolivar died he wrote a wonderful letter to Henry Clay and invoked 
the praise of future ages upon him for making the independence of 
the Latin American countries possible. 

And what of Daniel Webster? His greatest service in his later 
years was his allegiance to the Monroe Doctrine inspired by the spirit 
of Pan Americanism which it carried. 

These are things we must weigh carefully and surely, when we are 
studying this great Pan American situation and are trying to understand 
relationship of the Monroe Doctrine to the present. 

Today there is this great thought in the minds of nearly all Latin 
American satesmen: We are coming back now to just where we 
started the Monroe Doctrine; that today, in 1916, it is just as neces- 
sary, and perhaps more necessary than it was in 1816, only extended 
and unfolded until we have a mighty organization of twenty-one gov- 
ernments to stand back of it and make the world respect it, whereas 
then there was only one independent nation in the western hemisphere 
that could stand for it. 

Gentlemen, Latin America objects not to the Monroe Doctrine in 
itself, because the study of history will not permit it. What it objects 

22 



to is the interpretation that so many of our statesmen and essayists and 
writers and authorities on international law have given it, upon their 
own authority. Latin America objects to the idea of superiority and 
patronage on the part of the United States. Latin American nations 
are ready to accept the Monroe Doctrine as a Pan American policy 
which recognizes their equality with the United States. 

I wish I had time this evening to take you, so to speak, for a 
birdseye view of some of the remarkable features of Latin America. I 
could tell you how we could put all of the connected area of the 
United States inside of Brazil, and still have room for Illinois twice 
over. I could tell you how, out of the Amazon River every day flows 
a greater volume of water by five times than out of the Mississippi and 
its tributaries, plus the Columbia; how Rio de Janeiro, its famous 
capital is located on the most beautiful harbor in the world and has a 
population of one million two hundred thousand. How Uruguay, which 
is an ambitious state to the south of Brazil, has a capital, Montevideo, 
with four hundred thousand population, and has expended ten million 
dollars on a great harbor for the growing trade of the Atlantic Ocean. I 
wish I were an orator that I might do justice to that fair land of Argen- 
tina, where I was once your Minister. You could put nearly half of 
the United States inside of Argentina. Buenos Aires, its capital, is 
the largest Spanish speaking city in the world ; the largest city in the 
world south of the equator; the second Latin city of the world, ranking 
next to Paris ; the third city in the western hemisphere, ranking after 
New York and Chicago; a city which today has a population of 
1,750,000 ; a city that thought little of spending twenty-five millions 
for a great subway system ; forty millions for a great system of docks 
and wharves; and twenty millions for a broad avenue through the 
heart of the city. It possesses the finest club in the world; the finest 
opera house in the Americas, and, with all due respect to the News, 
the Herald, the Tribune, the Post, the American and the Journal, it 
possesses the finest newspaper plant and building in the wide world! 

Then I would like to take you over the great railway systems of 
Argentina, and into the interior, to realize its possibilities, but I have 
not time. 

So across the Andes we fly, and come to remarkable Chile. We 
do not stop to think that we could put the whole Atlantic coast, from 
Maine down to Plorida, inside of Chile ; that, if we put the south end 
of Chile down at San Diego on the Mexican line, the north end of 
Chile would not stop at Oregon, at Washington, at British Columbia or 
at the Alaska line, but reach away up into the heart of Alaska ! We 
do not stop to think that Chile is a country with nearly three hundred 
thousand square miles, often called the Yankeeland of South America, 
in the south temperate zone, directly south through the Panama Canal. 
We do not stop to think that Santiago, its capital, sometimes called 

23 



the Paris of the Andes, has a population of five hundred thousand, and 
that at Valparaiso, Chile's port, a city of two hundred and fifty thou- 
sand, they are building a great artificial harbor that will be the finest 
of its kind upon the Pacific. 

We do not stop to think that into Bolivia we could put Texas twice 
over and then add this wonderful state. Into Peru we could put the 
whole Atlantic coast from Maine to Georgia. And we forget that 
down there in Lima, its capital, they had a university one hundred 
years old, before John Harvard or Eli Yale thought of founding the 
universities which carry their names. 

And then there are Ecuador and Paraguay. I might speak of them, 
but I have not time. In either of them you could put Illinois twice 
over and a little more. And then: Colombia and Venezuela. Just 
think of it! From the most southern port on our coast line. Key 
West, to the nearest point of Colombia or of Venezuela is less than 
the distance from New York City to Kansas City! Into Colombia, 
with four hundred miles of coast on both the Atlantic, or Caribbean, 
and the Pacific, you could put the entire German Empire and France. 
In Venezuela you could include the greater part of France and Spain. 

And so I might go on describing Panama, the five Central American 
republics, Mexico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Haiti, but I have 
not time, beyond reminding you of a few general facts. 

Do not think for a moment that I speak of Latin America 
as being an El Dorado; • it has its shortcomings. There are 
serious difficulties facing our commerce and our trade. There 
are real discouragements ahead of us before we shall have all of the 
conditions that we desire. But what would our country be, what 
would Chicago be, what would this great Mississippi Valley be, if it 
had not been for the fight that our ancestors had to carry on to evolve 
present conditions? What would our own Pacific coast be, and our 
mountain country, except for the overwhelming difficulties of all kinds 
that our ancestors fought and -mastered before those sections reached 
their wonderful, present day civilization and progress? We must not 
expect that in a twinkling of an eye there is any magic that can sud- 
denly transform Latin America into an ideal part of the world. It 
will take time to evolve its new life. But the United States must lead 
the way. Upon the Pan American future depend our life and our 
prosperity. Let us hope that when the European war is over, there may 
not a line go up and down the Atlantic Ocean with Europe and Asia on 
one side and Pan America on the other? And, fearful though the 
thought may be, let us pray that there may not a line go up and down 
the Pacific, with Japan and China on one side and Pan America on 
the other ? But we must think of these things even if they seem remote 
possibilities. If, then, a line were drawn east and west, cutting off 
Latin America, with all of her resources and relationships, and finally 

24 



another line, cutting off Canada, for we know her allegiance would be 
with another land, the United States would become the greatest Belgium 
in the war history of the world ! 

These are thoughts we must consider. They are not the words of 
an alarmist. They are not sensational sentiments. They are our sound 
suggestions, as we study the situation. As I go away I want to leave 
a kindly thought in your minds. I realize, from my experience 
in this world, that after all, the great controlHng influence to 
weld nations together, just as it is the great controlling influence 
to weld men and women together, is sentiment; we may call 
it love! the most wonderful thing in the world. That same love 
is going to be the most powerful factor in holding the nations of 
the western hemisphere together in the future, for love among both 
human beings and nations is founded upon mutual confidence, upon trust 
of one in another, and upon the intimate association of those concerned. 
Now, then, how many of you have stopped to think of the great tie, 
of sentiment that binds Latin America to us, without reference to 
what may be your thoughts about the commerce of the United States 
with those countries ? How many realize that every one of these twenty 
countries lying south of the United States wrote its Declaration of Inde- 
pendence upon the Declaration of the Independence of the United 
States, not upon any document of Spain, of Portugal, of France, of Ger- 
many, or of Great Britain ? How many of you realize that every one of 
these countries wrote its Constitution, not upon the Constitution of any 
European land no matter how close the ties of blood and language, but 
every one of them wrote its Constitution upon that of the United States. 
Great Britain, Germany, France, have no such ties as these with any 
group of nations in the world. These are ties before God, that we can 
never ibreak, because they are part of absolute history. And, no mat- 
ter what may be the trend of future events, there are the facts as 
great mainsprings of inspiration for our interest in those lands and for 
their interest in us. 

Then again there is the influence of the immortal Washington. 
The other day, when I went down to Richmond and into the rotunda 
of its old capitol, I almost fell upon my knees to worship, so to speak, 
the statue of Washington, because it was the figure, the original 
bronze, that Houduin himself wrought, in the very time of Washington. 
And as I gazed at that figure of Washington, wrought when Wash- 
ington was alive, I felt as if I were in touch with that mighty 
man of the early days of our land, and I was tempted, inspired, 
to say to him that I brought the homage of all Latin America, 
because history tells us this fact, that nearly every great general and 
patriot of Latin America, who fought for the independence of his 
land, at one time or another stated that he was inspired to make the 
struggle for the liberty of his country, by the example of the im- 
mortal George Washington ! 

25 



I have now led up to the final picture that I want you to have in 
your minds when you go away; the contrast of the civilizations of 
Europe and of Pan America, as a reason why all of you should go out 
of this room tonight as sincere Pan Americans, not merely as citizens 
of this state and city and section, but as citizens of all the United 
States and of Pan America, with a respoinsibility greater than you 
have ever known before. 

The operator turns the reel, the curtain rises, and the films 
move on. It is Europe ? No, it is hell ! We see nothing but armies, 
men and women, children, dynasties, civilizations, pouring over the 
brink of war's despair into the pit of hell! We see the mighty civil- 
ization of thousands of years being destroyed under the withering fire 
of the greatest conflict of forces that the world has ever known, and 
before long our eyes are closed in sheer weariness at the sight of de- 
struction and death and ruin on every hand. 

Then this curtain goes down, to rise again on another scene. The 
operator again turns the reel; the films move on; they portray Pan 
America and we see the marvelous picture of sister nations working 
harmoniously together ; we see the great Pan American Scientific Con- 
gress in Washington, the greatest international gathering that Wash- 
ington has ever known, the greatest Pan American gathering which ever 
met upon the western hemisphere, when two hundred official delegates, 
representing every country of the western hemisphere, with their 
wives and children, assembled under the shadow, as it were, or under 
the light, of the Capitol of the United States, and there sang the songs 
and told the stories of peace and love and friendship and concord and 
concert, as never before have been sung and told there in the 
history of this western hemisphere. 

Finally the operator gives us one dissolving noble view, a Godly 
scene — s. scene of prayer and thankfulness. It takes us down the 
Cordillera, down through Central and South America, far south to the 
dividing line between Argentina and Chile. There, fifteen thousand 
feet above the sea, with its snowy Andean peaks for a background, 
the rolling' plateaus of Argentina on one side and the mountains of 
Chile on the other, we see standing high a heroic figure of the Christ, 
the Savior of men, erected there some fifteen years ago by Argentina 
and Chile, when, with greater cause for war than have had the coun- 
tries of Europe, but inspired by the principles of Pan Americanism, 
inspired by the ideas of the civilization of the western hemisphere, 
inspired by a desire to set an example not only to Pan America, but to 
all the world, they settled their difficulties by arbitration and built 
this bronze figure of the Christ, with arms outstretched over Chile 
and Argentina as if to bless them with everlasting peace; and then 
they inscribed upon its base an immortal sentiment which will always be 
a.n inspiration to all nations of Pan America and eventually of the 
world, to this effect: "Sooner shall these mountains crumble to dust 
than shall Argentina and Chile go to war." 

(Long and continued applause.) 



DINNER 



TENDERED TO THE 



HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT 

DIRECTOR GENERAL, PAN AMERICAN UNION 



AT HOTEL LA SALLE, CHICAGO 

SATURDAY EVENING 

FEBRUARY THE NINETEENTH 

NINETEEN HUNDRED SIXTEEN 



27 



GUEST OF HONOR 

Honorable John Barrett 
Director General, Pan American Union 



^ 



THE PRESIDENT'S TABLE 



The President, Nathan 

At the President's right 

Honorable John Barrett 
Albert D. Early, Esquire 
Reverend Edmund Byrnes 
Edgar B. Tolman, Esquire 
Mr. John H. Wood 
Mr. Herbert F. Perkins 
Professor Arthur Emil Swanson 
Frederick A. Brown, Esquire 
Mr. E. T. Gundlach 
John F. Voigt, Esquire 



William MacChesney 

At the President's left 

Mr. J. F. NicKERSoN 
Logan Hay, Esquire 
Mr. William C. Cook 
George H. Wilson, Esquire 
Mr. Benjamin Carpenter 
P. J. O'Keeffe, Esquire 
Mr. F. Ed son White 
Mr. William B. Walrath 
Mr. Thomas J. Hair 



28 



MENU 



CRABMEAT LA SALLE 
CREAM OF CELERY 

MIXED OLIVES RADISHES 



ROAST TENDERLOIN OF BEEF, PIQUE 

fresh mushroom sauce 
potatoes:au_gratin carrots and peas in cream 



HEART OF LETTUCE 

ROQUEFORT DRESSING 



MERINGUE GLACE 



COFFEE 



CIGARS 



29 



INVOCATION 

REVEREND EDMUND BYRNES 



^ 



AFTER DINNER 



Introduction Nathan William MacChesney 

President of the Association 



"Pan Americanism and The Monroe Doctrine" 

Honorable John Barrett 



30 



OFFICERS 

President 

NATHAN WILLIAM MacCHESNEY 
Chicago 

Vice-Presidents 

*WILLIAM F. BUNDY ROGER SHERMAN WALTER M. PROVINE 
Centralia Chicago Taylorville 

Secretary and Treasurer 

JOHN F. VOIGT 

Mattoon 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

Fkederick a. Brown C. M. Clay Buntain 

Chicago Kankakee 

Albert D. Early Edgar B. Tolman 

Rockford Chicago 

George H. Wilson John F. Voigt 

Quincy Mattoon 

Nathan William MacChesney 

Chicago 



PROGRAMME COMMITTEE 

Chester G. Vernier Charles J. O'Connor 
Urbana Chicago 

Frederic P. Vose Lester H. Strawn 
Chicago Springfield 

A. D. RODENBERG GeORGE T. BUCKINGHAM 

Centralia Chicago 

Rush C. Butler George A. Crow 

Chicago East St. Louis 

Frederick A. Brown, Chairman 
Chicago 
*Deceased. 



31 



RECEPTION COMMITTEE 



WiLUAM M. Acton Danville 

Victor P. Arnold Chicago 

Wilfred Arnold Galesburg 

Harvey H. Atherton Lewistown 

James S. Baldwin Decatur 

George F. Barrett Chicago 

Ger.\ld G. Barry Chicago 

George Bedford Morris 

Louis J. Behan Chicago 

Gale Blocki Chicago 

Lawrence P. Boyle Chicago 

C. Le Roy Brown Chicago 

Louis H. Burrell Freeport 

F. J. Campbell Galena 

Charles C. Caknahan Chicago 

Allen J. Carter Chicago 

Edwin H. Cassels Chicago 

George E. Chipm.\n Chicago 

W. B. CooNEY Pekin 

Solon W. Crowell Oregon 

E. E. Dennison Marion 

Percy B. Eckhart Chicago 

C. C. Edwards Waukegan 

Robert S. Egan -. Elgin 

John M. Eluott Peoria 

Philip E. Elting Macomb 

Victor Elting Chicago 

Charles M. Foell Chicago 

Fr.\nk Fosnofp Mt. Carmel 

Sidney S. Gorham Chicago 



Alexis L. Granger Kankakee 

Fred L. Gregory Jacksonville 

John R. Guilliams Chicago 

W. W. GuRLEY Chicago 

Henry M. Hagan Chicago 

James Hicks Monticello 

Fred C. Hill Clinton 

John R. Hillskoetter Edwardsville 

William T. Hollenbeck Marshall 

H. H. Kerr Paxton 

Frank J. Landee Moline 

J. K. Lauher Paris 

A. W. Lewis Harrisburg 

James Lingle Jonesboro 

Edward Mahek Chicago 

Walter I. Manny Mt. Sterling 

Edgar L. Masters Chicago 

Amos Miller Hillsboro 

Joseph W. Moses Chicago 

G. E. Nelson Petersburg 

Lloyd Painter Streator 

George B. Rhoads Shelbyville 

Frank C. Smith East St. Louis 

Henry Waterman Geneseo 

Sain Welty Bloomington 

Harold F. White Chicago 

C. B. Whittemore Marengo 

A. Clay Williams Pittsfield 

F. C. Winkler Oakland 

David L. Wright Effingham 

Sigmund Zeisler Chicago 



32 



57 



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